Leaving Without Dying: Why Safety Must Continue After Separation

Leaving an abusive partner can interrupt one form of control and provoke another. Survivors need more than advice to leave. They need safety planning, legal support, housing, income and people who will stay with them through what comes next.

The question is often put to a woman experiencing intimate partner violence as though it has a simple answer: Why doesn’t she leave? It is the wrong question. Many survivors are already doing extraordinary work to keep themselves and their children safe. They are reading changes in a partner’s behaviour, trying to protect the people and animals they love, finding money, and calculating what might happen if they make a move.

Leaving can be a turning point. It can also be a dangerous period. An abusive partner may respond to separation by increasing threats, stalking a survivor, using children to force contact or trying to keep control through money and the courts. The danger may begin when a partner suspects that a survivor is preparing to leave. It may continue long after the relationship has ended.

None of this means that a survivor should stay. It means that the responsibility for safety cannot be placed on the survivor alone.

In Canada, intimate partner homicide is an urgent reality.

100

people killed by a current or former spouse or intimate partner in Canada in 2024

81

of them were women

These figures from Statistics Canada count deaths; they do not capture the much larger number of survivors who live with threats, coercive control and the consequences of abuse.1

At Battered Women’s Support Services (BWSS), we hear the question behind the question: How do I get through this and build a life in which I am safe? A useful response begins with listening to the survivor. It also requires practical support that remains available before, during and after separation.

Why separation can increase risk

Intimate partner violence is often a pattern of power and control. An abusive partner may decide who a survivor sees, monitor her movements, restrict money, threaten her immigration status or make her afraid of what will happen to her children. Physical violence may be present, but control can operate every day without a new assault.

When a survivor asserts independence or ends the relationship, an abusive partner may experience that change as a loss of control. Some respond with more intense violence. Others turn to relentless contact, surveillance, threats about parenting, financial sabotage or legal proceedings used to exhaust and intimidate. There is no fixed sequence. Violence can escalate while a couple lives together, when they separate or months afterward. Justice Canada recognizes separation as a period of heightened risk in families with a history of violence, including risk to children.2

That is why “just leave” is inadequate advice. It assumes that an abusive person will accept the decision and that a survivor can immediately secure housing, money, legal information and protection for her children. In British Columbia, those resources are not equally available. BWSS’s 60 Barriers to Leaving identifies how economic insecurity, housing shortages and failures across public systems narrow survivors’ options. The barriers become more severe for women facing racism, colonial violence, disability discrimination or precarious immigration status.

Leaving is a decision a survivor makes in the circumstances she knows best. A friend, family member or professional may see danger without understanding what the abusive partner has threatened to do if she goes. A survivor may need time to arrange a safer way out. Another may have to leave immediately. Both deserve support without being judged for the timing or route they choose.

Pay attention to changes in danger

No checklist can tell someone precisely what will happen. A risk assessment is a way to take warning signs seriously and decide what support may be needed. It should include the survivor’s own account of what her partner has done and what she believes they may do next.

Concerns that call for a conversation with a specialized worker

  • Violence becoming more frequent or severe
  • Threats to kill
  • Access to a gun or another weapon
  • Strangulation or interference with breathing
  • Stalking
  • Forced sex
  • Extreme possessiveness
  • Threats to harm children or companion animals
  • Threats of suicide used in the context of control

A survivor’s belief that her partner could kill her must be heard. Risk does not disappear because an assault left no visible injury, or because the abusive partner apologized afterward.3

Substance use or a mental health concern may be relevant to understanding a situation, but neither excuses abuse. The person using violence remains responsible for their decisions. It is also important not to treat a risk score as a verdict. A survivor does not need to complete an assessment or establish that she faces the “highest” level of danger before contacting BWSS.

Safety planning starts before a decision to leave

A safety plan is not a promise to follow one prescribed path. It is a practical conversation about what a survivor wants, what an abusive partner has done and what options exist now. A plan may address how to get through the next evening, how to contact help privately, what to do if violence escalates, or how to prepare for separation over time. It can be revised when circumstances change. Public Health Agency of Canada guidance notes that planning can help even when a survivor is not preparing to leave.4

The first step may be identifying a safe way to communicate. Can an abusive partner see call logs, email or location history? Is a voicemail safe? Could a letter or appointment reminder be found? Survivors can tell an advocate which methods are safe and whether messages should be left at all. A trusted person might be able to hold a copy of documents, offer a place to make a private call or know when to seek help. Those arrangements should be chosen with care. Even well-meaning people can accidentally share information with the abusive partner.

A safety plan can also include children. A child should know that the violence is not their fault and that their job is to get to safety, not to intervene. Depending on their age and the situation, a family may identify a trusted adult, a safe place or a way to ask for help. Threats to take children away must be taken seriously. They are one reason legal advice and safety planning may need to happen together.

Companion animals belong in the conversation too. Some abusive partners threaten or injure animals to frighten a survivor or make leaving harder. Plans may need to address transport, medication, veterinary records and a temporary place where an animal can stay. A survivor should not have to choose between acknowledging this risk and being taken seriously.

What to prepare, if there is time

When it is safe and possible to prepare, having access to a few essentials can reduce the need to return to a dangerous place.

No list is worth being discovered by an abusive partner. A survivor who needs to leave quickly should seek safety without waiting to gather everything.

Identification

ID for the survivor and children, birth certificates, passports, health cards, Social Insurance Number information and immigration documents.

Everyday essentials

Medication, keys, bank cards, a phone and charging equipment.

Legal and personal records

Family law orders, parenting agreements, school records, pay information and records of threats.

Companion animals

Medication, a carrier and ownership or veterinary records.

Photographs or copies may help replace documents later, but storing them in a shared account can create another risk.

Money often determines what a survivor can do next. An abusive partner may control wages, run up debt, drain a joint account or stop contributing to rent or children’s needs. It may help to discuss a private way to access funds, income assistance, employment support or housing options. Any financial change should be considered in light of what the abusive partner can see. A new bank account or credit card is not automatically private if statements, devices or online credentials are shared.

For a survivor whose immigration status is tied to a partner, planning may include urgent advice about status, work authorization and eligibility for supports. The threat “you’ll be deported if you leave” is a common form of control; it is not reliable legal advice. The safest next step is to speak with someone who understands both immigration processes and intimate partner violence. BWSS’s Justice Centre works across family law, child protection and immigration issues for survivors facing these overlapping systems.

Digital safety is part of physical safety

Phones, accounts and connected devices can give an abusive partner access to a survivor’s location, messages or plans. A shared phone plan, family account, car app, location sharing setting or password known to the partner may continue to reveal information after separation. Technology may also be used to impersonate a survivor, monitor children or send constant unwanted messages. Canada recognizes surveillance and tracking as forms of technology-facilitated gender-based violence.5

There is no universal instruction to turn everything off at once. Sudden changes to passwords or location sharing may alert an abusive partner, and some changes can affect access to accounts or evidence. A safer first step may be to contact an advocate from a device the abusive partner cannot access. Together, you can identify which accounts and devices may be compromised, what changes can safely be made now and whether there is information you want to preserve. Justice Canada’s guidance for family law advisers specifically calls for safe communication preferences and attention to shared devices and accounts.6

Privacy matters when seeking help online as well. An “exit site” button can change the page on screen, but it cannot guarantee that browsing history, account activity or device monitoring disappears. If it is safe to do so, consider using a trusted person’s phone or another device that is not shared or monitored.

Children, parenting and the law after separation

For many mothers, separation begins a new set of legal pressures. A partner may threaten to take the children, withhold information, insist on contact outside agreed arrangements or use court filings as another means of reaching and exhausting a survivor. The survivor may need to address immediate safety at the same time as parenting schedules, housing, child protection involvement and income.

In British Columbia, family law protection orders and Criminal Code peace bonds are distinct legal options. Neither should be presented as an automatic guarantee of safety, and the appropriate route depends on the facts. The B.C. Family Law Act provides for protection orders where a family member is at risk of family violence. A survivor may also need advice about parenting orders or an existing agreement.7,8

BWSS’s Justice Centre provides legal information and advocacy for survivors dealing with family law, child protection, immigration and related systems. Its Family Law Clinic provides summary legal advice with volunteer lawyers. Depending on the circumstances and available capacity, the Justice Centre may also assist with documents, court accompaniment or representation. A survivor does not have to work out alone which kind of legal help fits her situation.

Children’s safety is more than a question of where they live on the day a parent leaves. It also concerns what happens during exchanges, how information about a new location is handled and whether a child is being used to carry messages or gather information. Justice Canada has documented increased risks to children in some families during and after separation. These details belong in both legal advice and safety planning.9

Housing and income are safety issues

“Leave” is not a housing plan.

A survivor may have no affordable apartment to go to, may be unable to keep the current home on one income or may need somewhere that can accommodate children or companion animals. She may have to travel far from school, work, family or culturally relevant services to find a place. In a rural community, distance and a lack of anonymous options can create additional danger.

Emergency shelter can be essential, but survivors also need stability beyond the immediate crisis. BWSS’s Synchronicity Second Stage Transition House Program offers temporary, affordable accommodation and support for women and children who have experienced violence. It is second-stage housing, not a promise of an immediate emergency bed. The program provides support with safety planning, parenting, advocacy and the move toward permanent housing. Eligibility and vacancies must be discussed directly with the program; a survivor can ask BWSS about housing options without assuming that a place is available that day.

Economic independence also takes more than telling a woman to get a job. Abuse can interrupt education, destroy confidence, interfere with shifts or make it impossible to attend an interview. A survivor may need childcare, transportation, time to recover, or help translating skills gained before arriving in Canada. BWSS’s AWARE employment program supports women to identify their strengths, explore career goals and develop employment skills at a pace that accounts for the effects of trauma and violence. Employment support is one part of safety because reliable income can widen a survivor’s choices.

What if police are part of the plan?

If someone is in immediate danger or needs urgent medical help, calling 911 may bring the fastest emergency response. A survivor may also want to report an assault, threats, stalking or a breach of an order. But a decision about police contact is not simple for everyone. A survivor may fear retaliation, loss of housing or consequences for children. Indigenous, Black and immigrant survivors may have good reasons to be concerned about how institutions will respond.

An advocate can discuss what a police report may involve, how to preserve information about incidents and what other supports are available. Contacting BWSS does not automatically mean making a police report. The survivor should be told what information may be shared, with whom and under what circumstances. When there is immediate danger, a plan needs to respond to that urgency; outside an emergency, people deserve information and room to consider their options.10

Safety does not end when a survivor gets out

An abusive partner may keep trying to control the survivor after separation. They may repeatedly call or show up at work, monitor her online, withhold money, threaten a new partner, use parenting exchanges to force contact or launch legal proceedings. The survivor may need to change routines or arrangements more than once. A plan made on the day she leaves may need revision when a court date approaches or the abusive partner learns where she is living.

Rebuilding also takes emotional energy. Survivors may feel relief and fear at the same time. Grief for the relationship, exhaustion, anger and uncertainty can exist alongside a firm decision to stay apart. None of those feelings proves the abuse was less serious. Nor does returning to an abusive partner mean a survivor has failed. It may mean the barriers to safety are still there. BWSS’s support groups offer women a place to lessen isolation, share knowledge and heal with others who understand the effects of violence.

Friends and family can help most when they keep the relationship open. Ask what contact is safe. Offer specific assistance the survivor wants, such as accompanying her to an appointment or holding documents. Do not contact the abusive partner, reveal a location or make a public post about the separation without the survivor’s agreement. If she returns, keep listening. The aim is to preserve a route to support.

How BWSS can help at different stages

There is no single doorway through which every survivor must enter. Someone might call because she is frightened by a threat but has no plan to leave. Another may need legal information after receiving court papers. Another may be safely separated and trying to find work or a place to live. BWSS’s programs respond to different parts of that experience:

Crisis and Intake Line

A trained worker can listen, help assess risk, discuss safety planning and connect a survivor with other services. A caller chooses what to share and does not have to be ready to leave.

Justice Centre

Legal information, advocacy and, where available, advice or representation can help a survivor navigate family law, child protection, immigration or other legal problems arising from violence.

Family Law Clinic

Volunteer lawyers provide summary family law advice for women facing legal questions after abuse.

Synchronicity Housing

When eligibility and space permit, women and children can access temporary second-stage housing with continuing support as they work toward longer-term stability.

AWARE Employment Program

Employment and career support can help a survivor rebuild economic options after violence has disrupted work or education.

Support Groups

Connection with other women can reduce isolation and support healing beyond the first crisis.

These services are connected because the problems are connected. A legal order without housing may leave a survivor with nowhere safe to go. Housing without income may be impossible to sustain. A survivor who has both may still need help with stalking or with the lasting effects of coercive control. Safety changes when systems and services respond to the whole life a survivor is trying to protect.

Questions survivors often ask

Do I need to decide to leave before calling?

No. You can talk about what is happening and what concerns you. A plan can address staying more safely for now, preparing to leave or managing risk after separation. You decide what information to share.

Can someone promise that leaving will make me safe?

No. An abusive partner is responsible for their actions, and no advocate can promise how that person will respond. A risk assessment and safety plan can help you identify concerns, make choices and bring in practical support. They should be revisited when circumstances change.

What if I have already left but my former partner will not stop contacting me?

Post-separation stalking and harassment deserve attention. Keep records if doing so is safe. Consider talking with an advocate about contact, technology, children and legal options. You do not have to wait for another physical assault to seek help.

What if I cannot afford to leave?

Tell the advocate. Housing and money are central safety concerns. The discussion can include income, employment, benefits, debt, children’s needs and what local accommodation is available. The answer may take more than one service and more than one conversation.

What if my children or companion animals are at risk?

Say so, even if the abusive partner has never physically harmed you. Threats to children or animals can be part of coercive control. Their needs can be included in a safety plan. Legal advice may be especially important where parenting arrangements are involved.

What if I have contacted BWSS before or returned to the relationship?

You can call again. Risk changes and plans change. Seeking support does not require a perfect account of what happened or a promise about what you will do next.

You can begin with one conversation

Safety is not a single moment of escape. It is the ability to make decisions without an abusive partner controlling the consequences, and to find support when a plan has to change. Survivors already hold vital knowledge about their own lives. Our job is to take that knowledge seriously and help make more options possible.

BWSS Crisis and Intake Line

If you are experiencing intimate partner violence, or are concerned for someone you know, reach out when it is safe to do so.

Learn about BWSS services at bwss.org/support

If you or someone else is in immediate danger, call 911.

Safety changes everything.

Sources

  1. Statistics Canada, Homicide trends in Canada, 2024
  2. Justice Canada, Making plans: A guide to parenting arrangements after separation or divorce
  3. Justice Canada, HELP Toolkit
  4. Government of Canada, How to plan for your safety if you are in an abusive relationship
  5. Women and Gender Equality Canada, Technology-facilitated gender-based violence
  6. Justice Canada, HELP Guide
  7. Legal Aid BC, For Your Protection
  8. B.C. Family Law Act
  9. Justice Canada, Risk Factors for Children in Situations of Family Violence
  10. BWSS, Get Help

Source and credit: This original Canadian article was developed for Battered Women’s Support Services after reading Amanda Kippert’s “Leaving Without Dying,” published by DomesticShelters.org and updated August 10, 2026. We credit Kippert and DomesticShelters.org for bringing attention to the danger around separation. This article is written from BWSS’s frontline perspective and uses Canadian research, B.C. legal context and BWSS program information. It is not an adaptation endorsed by Kippert or DomesticShelters.org.

BWSS statement on the white nationalist gathering on Tkʼemlúps te Secwépemc land

September 27, 2026

Children were taken from their families and sent to the Kamloops Indian Residential School. Some never came home and for the families who still seek answers, this is not a slogan or a political argument, it is the life of a child they loved.

Today, masked individuals displaying apparent white nationalist insignia gathered on Tkʼemlúps te Secwépemc land. Images also show the group on an overpass in Kamloops holding a banner that mocked the search for children who never returned from residential school. This happened three days before the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation.

Tkʼemlúps te Secwépemc is undertaking the careful, painful work of seeking answers about children who never returned from the residential school. The gathering on the Nation’s land was racist intimidation. The banner mocked that search and the families who are still waiting for answers. Together, these actions carried a message of ongoing colonial violence.

Colonialism depends on treating Indigenous families as though their bonds, their grief and their authority matter less. Residential school denialism continues that work. It demands that Indigenous people prove their history to those who ridicule their testimony. It tries to turn a family’s search for a child into something to mock.

We should be clear about the human threshold being crossed here. Every healthy society depends on our ability to recognize that another person’s child matters as much as our own. When people gather behind masks to make a spectacle of families’ grief, the harm is already happening.

Battered Women’s Support Services works to end violence against women and gender-based violence. White nationalist intimidation and misogynist violence, including mass killings, draw on beliefs about dominance: whose lives deserve protection and whose lives can be disregarded. These beliefs do not always lead to physical attacks, but organized displays of them are already harmful and must be taken seriously.

We stand in solidarity with Kukpi7 Rosanne Casimir, the people of Tkʼemlúps te Secwépemc, residential school survivors and families. We call for a full investigation carried out in direct communication with the Nation’s leadership and a response to the safety concerns Kukpi7 Casimir has raised. All public officials must reject residential school denialism unequivocally.

Truth and reconciliation cannot be confined to a day of remembrance. What officials do in response to this intimidation will say more about their commitment than what they say on September 30.

Frontline organizations bring intimate partner violence directly to municipal leaders at UBCM

VANCOUVER, B.C. Battered Women’s Support Services (BWSS) is bringing together approximately 50 frontline and community organizations from every region of British Columbia at the Union of BC Municipalities Convention today for a roundtable focused on what meaningful implementation of Canada’s National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence must look like on the ground.

The gathering represents a significant opportunity to bring organizations working across different parts of the response to intimate partner violence to the same table—and to carry their frontline expertise directly into the conversations and decisions taking place at UBCM.

The message from BWSS is clear: addressing intimate partner violence requires all three levels of government, and commitments must result in action.

The urgency was made stark during the 2026 FIFA World Cup.

Ahead of the tournament, BWSS raised concerns based on research documenting increased risks of violence against women and increased demand for support associated with some major sporting events. BWSS maintained specialized IPV capacity during the tournament despite receiving only limited public funding for the response.

During the tournament period, BWSS analyzed 734 specialized service contacts, a 37.2% increase over the same period the previous year. Women reaching out described coercive control, escalating violence, strangulation, stalking and death threats.

Those findings became a powerful example of The Downplay Effect, BWSS’s province-wide movement to expose what happens when the warning signs and scale of intimate partner violence are minimized until the consequences become impossible to ignore.

BWSS is now bringing that challenge directly into municipal politics.

Ahead of B.C.’s October municipal elections, The Downplay Effect has contacted incumbent mayors and councillors, as well as candidates for mayor and council in municipalities across the province, asking them to publicly commit to five concrete actions on intimate partner violence. Commitments are being tracked publicly through the campaign’s Downplay Detector.

The campaign is asking municipalities to establish IPV task forces, support community-based services, strengthen local data collection, invest in prevention education and create greater accountability for municipal responses to gender-based violence.

Municipal governments cannot end intimate partner violence alone, but they make decisions every day that shape women’s safety. Policing, housing, transportation, emergency planning, public spaces and community services can all affect whether a woman is able to reach help and remain safe.

As Canada prepares the next phase of the National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence, frontline organizations are calling for a response that connects federal investment, provincial systems and municipal action to the specialized work happening in communities.

The next phase must strengthen sustainable frontline capacity, reflect regional and community realities, include frontline organizations in decision-making and ensure government commitments produce measurable change for women seeking safety.

At the same time, B.C. communities are navigating profound economic and social change. Tariffs and trade disputes, major infrastructure and resource projects, housing pressures and economic uncertainty may be debated in the House of Commons or the B.C. Legislature, but their effects are experienced locally.

For women experiencing violence, economic security, housing, transportation, access to services and the strength of local social infrastructure can directly affect their options for safety.

Today’s roundtable provides a unique opportunity for organizations working across the response to intimate partner violence to identify what is needed next—from prevention and specialized services to housing, justice, public safety and community infrastructure.

Frontline organizations are calling for their expertise to shape real commitments, resources, policy and measurable action at every level of government.

Voices from across British Columbia

Bahar Dehnadi, Executive Director, Victoria Women’s Transition House Society, Victoria

“In Greater Victoria, a woman fleeing violence may be navigating 13 municipal governments and six police forces that do not consistently connect with one another—and safety plans can fall apart in those gaps. Frontline needs are increasingly complex, while funding has not kept pace. Governments must invest in specialized services and sustained staffing rather than relying on one-time grants.”

Lynnelle Halikowski, Executive Director, Prince George Sexual Assault Centre, Prince George

In northern B.C., access to specialized services can depend on whether a worker is available hundreds of kilometres away, whether a woman has transportation and whether the service has capacity when she reaches out. Distance cannot become another way violence is downplayed. Municipal, provincial and federal governments must work together to sustain specialized IPV and sexual-violence services in northern communities.

Allison McLauchlan, Executive Director, Kamloops and District Elizabeth Fry Society, Kamloops

Domestic abuse and violence cannot be addressed in isolation from housing, poverty and the justice system. In Kamloops and communities across the Interior, women are often forced to make impossible choices between safety, housing, financial survival and keeping their families together. We must invest in safe and affordable housing, adequately fund specialized frontline services and full shelter operations, and make meaningful changes to legal and justice systems that too often place women at greater risk—including increased risk of femicide.

Shahnaz Rahman, Executive Director, Surrey Women’s Centre, Surrey

In a rapidly growing and diverse community like Surrey, we value the important investments being made through the National Action Plan, particularly for survivors at highest risk. Going forward, we need equitable, sustainable funding and a stronger frontline voice in decision-making to ensure services can respond to the scale, diversity and cultural realities of the communities we serve.

Angela Marie MacDougall, Executive Director, Battered Women’s Support Services, Vancouver

This is an important moment because frontline organizations are bringing decades of experience directly to the people making decisions about our communities. We know what happens when intimate partner violence is treated as secondary to other public-safety priorities. Women’s safety is not separate from the decisions governments make—it has to be part of them.”

“When governments talk about building stronger communities, we need to ask: stronger and safer for whom? A commitment only matters if it changes what happens when a woman needs safety. We have an opportunity to stop downplaying intimate partner violence and build a coordinated response at every level of government, beginning with municipalities.

Download the press release 

Canada Is Building Resilience. Who Will Absorb the Shock?

Canada is in a different economic and political moment, and I have been thinking a lot about what it means for women.

In his recent address to Canadians, Prime Minister Mark Carney spoke about the breakdown of trade negotiations with the United States and the need for Canada to become less dependent on one country. His government is responding with counter-tariffs, support for affected workers and industries, new trading relationships and an ambitious program of infrastructure and resource development.

There is something important in the Prime Minister’s argument that dependency makes us vulnerable. But before we decide that the answer is simply to build more, export more and find new markets, I think we should ask what dependencies we have already built our economy and our communities upon, who has benefited from them, and who has been carrying their costs.

At Battered Women’s Support Services, that question feels very real coming out of the FIFA World Cup.

Governments put enormous effort into preparing Vancouver for FIFA. Transportation, policing, tourism, crowds and emergency response were all understood as things that could not be allowed to fail. BWSS was asking what preparedness meant for women experiencing intimate partner violence.

We proposed a specialized surge response that the Province did not fund, and we prepared anyway. During the tournament period, BWSS responded to 734 specialized contacts, a 37.2 per cent increase over the comparable period. Ninety-four women disclosed strangulation and 85 reported death threats.

What stayed with us after FIFA was not only the increase in violence that women were reporting. It was the question of how governments decide what is essential enough to prepare for before a crisis arrives, rather than after people are already living with the consequences.

We should be asking the same question now.

When a mill loses orders, the consequences do not end with the company’s balance sheet. Workers lose shifts or employment, household income falls, housing and food still have to be paid for, unpaid care increases and community organizations see greater need. Eventually what begins as an economic shock reaches the home.

Economic insecurity does not cause intimate partner violence, but it absolutely affects the choices available to a woman living with it. An abusive partner may already be controlling money, employment or access to transportation. Losing income or affordable housing can make leaving much harder. A woman can have every legal right to leave and still not have the money for a damage deposit, childcare, transportation or somewhere safe to live.

This is one reason I have been thinking about our recent time in the Okanagan. We were there speaking with municipal candidates and leaders about intimate partner violence, but people also kept talking about water. We heard concerns about Okanagan Lake and Kalamalka Lake, and driving through the region we were struck by how low the water appeared in the Coquihalla River.

Then there have been the wildfires. British Columbians have again lived through evacuations, smoke, road closures and threats to homes and livelihoods. An evacuation order does not make intimate partner violence disappear. A woman may suddenly be displaced alongside the person harming her. She may lose access to identification, medication, transportation or the privacy required to make a safety plan. The transition house or community organization she depends upon may itself be affected.

All of this has made me question how narrowly we have come to understand resilience.

Across B.C., the pressures will look different. Forestry communities may experience mill contraction and job losses. Tourism and agricultural communities may experience reduced or precarious employment alongside drought, wildfire and housing pressures. In Vancouver and the Lower Mainland, the cost of housing means that even a modest loss of income can eliminate an already narrow path out of violence.

In parts of northern B.C., the pressure may come from rapid development instead.

Canada is talking about major new investment in mines, ports, energy corridors, transmission and Pacific trade. We have seen before what can happen when economic infrastructure arrives much faster than the social infrastructure of a community.

Indigenous women have been telling us for years about the safety implications of large, predominantly male and transient workforces associated with some resource projects and work camps, often called “man camps.” These concerns are part of the work on missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls and cannot be separated from the history of resource extraction and colonization in this country.

We should not wait until projects are underway to ask what major changes in population, housing and workforce composition may mean for sexual violence, sexual exploitation, trafficking and intimate partner violence. Women working in resource industries themselves can experience sexual harassment and violence in male-dominated and remote workplaces. Meanwhile, housing shortages and rising rents can increase women’s economic dependency while already stretched sexual assault services, transition houses and community organizations are expected to absorb greater demand.

This does not mean that resource development inevitably produces violence or that men working in these industries should be characterized as violent. It means that women’s safety is foreseeable and should be planned for.

For Indigenous women there is an even more fundamental question about power. If projects considered essential to Canada’s economic future are going to cross Indigenous territories, Indigenous women cannot simply be asked for their views after the important decisions have been made. They must have meaningful power in deciding what gets built, what does not, what benefits remain in their communities and what risks their communities should never be expected to carry.

There is another dependency in all of this that no trade agreement can solve.

A misty British Columbia coastline where forest meets a rocky beach and the ocean
Photo by Nicole Logan on Unsplash

The Pacific coast that Canada increasingly describes as a gateway to global markets is also the home of the endangered Southern Resident killer whales, whose survival is already affected by vessel disturbance, reduced prey and contaminants. The Okanagan is not simply agricultural and tourism capacity, just as a forest is not simply timber inventory and the Salish Sea is not simply a route to another market.

Our economy exists because the living world exists, not the other way around.

That matters when we talk about building our way out of economic vulnerability. We have to be willing to ask whether an economic model that continually requires more extraction, more movement and more consumption can actually become resilient within ecological limits. Canada can diversify its trading partners, but a community cannot diversify away from the water it depends upon, and British Columbia cannot build another Salish Sea.

The same questioning needs to apply to women and the economy. Women’s liberation cannot be reduced to making sure women get a share of the jobs created by the next round of development. Employment, income and ownership matter enormously, but so do freedom from violence, housing, care, time, land and power over the decisions that shape our lives and communities.

Our economy also depends on an enormous amount of care that is still disproportionately performed by women and is often unpaid or underpaid. When public systems or households come under pressure, that work expands. An economy can therefore appear remarkably resilient while the actual cost of keeping families and communities functioning is quietly transferred into women’s time, bodies and lives.

This is why women’s safety cannot remain the responsibility of the anti-violence sector alone. It belongs in how governments, municipalities, Indigenous Nations, employers, unions, resource companies and emergency planners think about the future they are building.

The Prime Minister is right that dependency can make us vulnerable. I would take that argument further. We need to ask what kinds of dependency we are trying to end, which ones our economy continues to create, who has the power to choose, and who is expected to live with the consequences.

If resilience simply means that the economy survives while workers, women, Indigenous peoples, communities and the environment absorb the cost, then we have not become more resilient. We have simply moved the damage around.

The question for Canada is not only whether we can withstand the next shock. It is whether we can build a society that stops requiring the same people, communities and living systems to absorb it.

Angela Marie MacDougall, Executive Director, BWSS

By Angela Marie MacDougall

Executive Director, BWSS Battered Women’s Support Services

The Downplay Effect: What B.C.’s Budget 2027 Consultation Tells Us About Intimate Partner Violence

Intimate partner violence doesn’t just escalate. It is downplayed first.

At Battered Women’s Support Services, the Downplay Effect describes what happens when coercive control, patterns of abuse and escalating danger are minimized before they are recognized as serious. Downplaying can happen between people, but it can also happen institutionally: when violence is fragmented into separate problems, responsibility becomes unclear, specialized knowledge disappears into broader categories, or recognition is not matched by the capacity required to respond.

We saw the consequences of this during the FIFA World Cup 2026. Months before the tournament, BWSS shared evidence about major sporting events and increased demand for intimate partner violence support and proposed a specialized surge response. The prevailing view was that intimate partner violence did not warrant a specialized response, so BWSS prepared anyway. During the tournament, we analyzed 734 specialized service contacts, a 37.2% increase over the same period the previous year, including coercive control, escalating violence, strangulation, death threats and high-risk intimate partner violence.

Read: What Women Taught Us During the FIFA World Cup 2026 →

For BWSS, this raises a question that will be a key focus in the coming year: when the Province of British Columbia says intimate partner violence is a priority, what does that mean in practice?

Intimate partner violence makes it into the Budget 2027 recommendations

British Columbia’s Budget 2027 public consultation ran from June 1 to June 19, 2026. The Legislature’s Select Standing Committee on Finance and Government Services heard 387 presentations and received 1,102 written submissions before producing 81 recommendations for the next provincial budget.

This report is not Budget 2027. It does not allocate money, and its recommendations are not commitments by government. It is the Finance Committee’s assessment of what it heard and what it believes the Province should prioritize as government develops Budget 2027.

And intimate partner violence made it through that process.

Recommendation 68 calls on government to:

“Require coordinated planning and accountability across housing, justice, health, and community-based violence response services to support an integrated and timely response for people experiencing intimate partner violence.”

That is important because intimate partner violence was not ignored. The Committee recognized that it crosses systems and requires coordinated public action.

And yet, we see downplaying.

We use that word deliberately, and with qualification. We are not suggesting that the Committee does not take intimate partner violence seriously. The downplaying occurs in the distance between what the report recognizes about intimate partner violence and what that recognition becomes when translated into recommendations and across the other major policy areas considered throughout the report.

The Downplay Effect

Coordination is not capacity

Recommendation 68 calls for coordinated planning and accountability. Coordination matters.

But coordination does not create capacity.

It does not create another specialized intimate partner violence advocate. It does not open a counselling appointment. It does not provide legal advocacy. It does not create safe housing. And it does not increase the number of specialized practitioners able to recognize coercive control, post-separation violence and escalating or potentially lethal risk.

The report recognizes community-based violence response services as part of an integrated intimate partner violence response, but does not recommend expanding specialized intimate partner violence capacity.

When a capacity problem becomes primarily a coordination problem, intimate partner violence is being downplayed.

The Downplay Effect

“Timely” without defining how long victims and survivors should wait

Recommendation 68 calls for a “timely response.”

But what is timely? How long should someone experiencing escalating violence wait for specialized counselling, legal support, housing, risk assessment or advocacy?

There is no intimate partner violence access standard or wait-time benchmark attached to the recommendation.

Calling a response timely without measuring whether victims and survivors can actually reach it risks downplaying what waiting means when someone is living with violence.

The Downplay Effect

Accountability without saying who is accountable

The Committee calls for “accountability,” another important advance.

But Recommendation 68 does not identify who ultimately owns the integrated response, what outcomes must be measured, who reports publicly, how failures are reviewed or what happens when systems fail.

Accountability cannot simply be a word. Someone has to be accountable.

The Downplay Effect

Concrete economic responses disappear

The Committee’s own deliberations go further than its final intimate partner violence recommendation. It considers a provincial emergency fund, employment supports and income stabilization programs to provide immediate financial assistance and longer-term economic stability for survivors.

Those measures matter because economic dependence can be part of coercive control and can determine whether leaving is practically possible.

Yet those concrete measures do not make it into Recommendation 68.

The problem becomes recognized; the intervention becomes less specific.

The Downplay Effect

Intimate partner violence gets broadened into gender-based violence

The Committee considers strengthening justice-system responses to intimate partner violence, but shifts to gender-based violence screening in family court proceedings. The distinction matters. Gender-based violence is the broader framework; intimate partner violence requires specific expertise in coercive control, post-separation violence and escalating and potentially lethal risk.

Those specific justice measures also disappear from Recommendation 68, which returns to coordination and accountability. The concern is not the use of gender-based violence, it is whether broadening the terminology also dilutes the specialized response intimate partner violence requires.

The Downplay Effect

Intimate partner violence is cross-cutting, but the report does not consistently treat it that way

This may be the most important Downplay Effect in the report.

Recommendation 68 itself acknowledges that intimate partner violence crosses housing, justice, health and community-based violence services.

But elsewhere, the report largely returns to traditional policy categories.

Housing becomes housing. Economic security becomes economic policy. Health becomes health. Emergency preparedness becomes emergency preparedness. Climate resilience becomes climate resilience. Infrastructure and resource development become economic development.

For victims and survivors, those divisions do not exist.

A woman can be navigating coercive control while trying to find housing, maintain employment, keep her children safe, deal with family court and manage financial dependence, all at the same time.

Fragmenting the consequences of intimate partner violence can itself downplay the violence because no single system sees the whole.

The Downplay Effect

Housing is an intimate partner violence issue

Recommendation 68 expressly recognizes housing as part of the intimate partner violence response.

A housing shortage is not simply a housing problem when someone cannot safely separate because she has nowhere affordable to go. Housing affordability is not separate from intimate partner violence when financial abuse has undermined someone’s economic independence.

Yet the report’s broader housing agenda does not consistently carry that analysis forward.

If housing is part of the intimate partner violence response, then housing policy is also intimate partner violence policy.

The Downplay Effect

Economic resilience without survivor economic resilience

The report spends considerable attention on economic uncertainty, affordability, employment and building a resilient B.C. economy. But its own intimate partner violence discussion establishes the connection between violence and economic security.

That insight should travel.

When economic conditions worsen, the consequences are not gender neutral. For someone experiencing intimate partner violence, lost employment, unaffordable housing or increased financial dependence can change the options available for safety.

A resilient economy must include the economic conditions that make freedom from violence possible.

The Downplay Effect

Climate and emergency preparedness without continuity of safety

The report gives significant attention to wildfire, disaster preparedness, climate adaptation and community resilience.

What it does not meaningfully examine is what happens to intimate partner violence during those disruptions.

Evacuation does not end coercive control. Displacement does not eliminate post-separation risk. Wildfire does not make stalking disappear. And when transportation, communications, housing and community services are disrupted, the systems victims and survivors rely upon for safety can be disrupted too.

This is BWSS’s analysis of a gap in the report, not a conclusion made by the Committee.

But it raises an important budget question:

If B.C. is investing in the infrastructure required to withstand emergencies, where is the infrastructure required to maintain women’s safety through them?

The Downplay Effect

Economic and resource development without an intimate partner violence lens

The report considers infrastructure, critical minerals, major projects and resource development as important parts of B.C.’s economic future.

Major economic development can affect housing, transportation, local services, population patterns and community infrastructure. Those impacts deserve analysis for what they may mean for women generally and for Indigenous women in particular, including in relation to the continuing work on MMIWG.

This connection is not adequately developed in the consultation report. That absence is precisely why it needs to be part of the next conversation.

The Downplay Effect

Funding the systems most victims and survivors never report to

One of the most revealing contrasts in the report appears around Recommendation 68.

The Committee is perfectly capable of making explicit funding recommendations. It recommends increased funding for policing, Crown counsel and courts, as well as funding for court data infrastructure.

For intimate partner violence, however, the operative language is “coordinated planning and accountability.”

That difference matters because the criminal legal system represents only part of how victims and survivors respond to intimate partner violence. Most intimate partner violence is not reported to police. Victims and survivors frequently turn instead to community-based organizations, informal networks, health services and other supports.

This is not an argument against adequately funding police, Crown counsel or courts. When victims and survivors engage those systems, those systems must respond effectively.

It is an argument about where the architecture of an intimate partner violence response is built.

If most intimate partner violence never reaches police, then an intimate partner violence strategy cannot be organized primarily around what happens after a police report. Specialized community-based organizations are often where women disclose violence, assess risk, safety plan, navigate housing and family law, and make decisions about whether—or whether not—to engage police.

Yet the Committee recommends explicit increases for institutional justice-system capacity while asking community-based violence response services to participate in better coordination, without an equivalent recommendation to expand their capacity.

Are we investing most explicitly in the systems violence may eventually reach, while underinvesting in the specialized services victims and survivors actually reach first?

The Downplay Effect

Counting gender-based violence dollars without asking whether they reach the frontline

This question becomes even more important when the Budget consultation is placed alongside Canada’s National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence.

The existing Canada–B.C. agreement represents significant public investment intended to supplement and enhance gender-based violence services and supports.

But an announcement is not the same thing as frontline capacity.

BWSS has already raised this concern in our analysis of the next phase of the National Action Plan: success must ultimately be measured by whether specialized frontline organizations experience stronger operational capacity, a more stable specialized workforce and greater ability to respond to changing forms of intimate partner violence.

Read: BWSS on Canada’s National Action Plan on Gender-Based Violence →

So we need to know more than how much money has been announced.

How much reaches specialized frontline organizations? Does it create additional service capacity? Does it stabilize the specialized workforce? Does it reduce wait times? Does it improve geographic and culturally specific access? Can organizations respond when demand suddenly increases? And can victims and survivors access specialized intimate partner violence support when they need it?

If we count dollars without measuring the specialized capacity those dollars create, investment itself can become a form of downplaying.

The deeper Downplay Effect: recognition without transformation

This is ultimately not a story about intimate partner violence being ignored.

The Budget 2027 consultation report represents an important advance: intimate partner violence appears in the Executive Summary and becomes one of the Committee’s 81 recommendations.

The Downplay Effect appears in what happens next.

  • Being named is not the same as being resourced.
  • Coordination is not capacity.
  • Money announced is not necessarily money reaching the frontline.
  • “Timely” is not a service standard until time is measured.
  • Accountability is not accountability until somebody is responsible for results.

And recognizing intimate partner violence in one section of a report is not the same as recognizing how violence moves through housing, economic security, health, justice, employment, emergency preparedness and the other conditions of women’s lives.

From recognition to implementation

The National Action Plan offers an important framework for doing better. It recognizes that ending gender-based violence requires action across services, prevention, justice, Indigenous-led approaches and the social infrastructure that surrounds victims and survivors.

Our experience during FIFA gave BWSS a real-world test of what those commitments mean. Evidence alone did not create safety. Implementation did. Specialized capacity did. Women needed practitioners who could recognize the whole pattern of violence and respond to changing risk in real time.

Budget 2027 and the next phase of the National Action Plan now present the same question at a much larger scale.

The question is no longer simply whether intimate partner violence will be recognized.

It is whether we will stop downplaying what responding to it actually requires.

Learn more about the Downplay Effect →

Ontario woman awarded $400,000 over husband’s 54 year abuse in Tort of Intimate Partner Violence

The legal community is already debating whether the new tort of intimate partner violence will make family law proceedings longer, more complex and more contentious. From where we stand, that debate begins in the wrong place.

For more than 30 years, BWSS has provided specialized family law advocacy for victims and survivors of intimate partner violence. We intervened before the Supreme Court of Canada in Ahluwalia because we believed Canadian law needed to recognize what women have been telling specialized intimate partner violence services for decades.

Intimate partner violence is not experienced as a series of isolated incidents. It is experienced as coercive control — a pattern of domination that strips women of their dignity, autonomy and equality. A pattern that shapes parenting, finances, housing, relationships, decision-making and every attempt to seek safety.

Critics argue that recognizing coercive control will make family law more complicated. Women have been living that complexity all along. Family law is already one of the most difficult places to be when the person using coercive control is also the person you are required to negotiate with, parent with, disclose to, or appear before a court against.

The debate should not begin with whether this makes family law more complicated. It should begin with why women have spent decades trying to fit the reality of coercive control into legal frameworks that were never designed to recognize it.

This is The Downplay Effect. When coercive control is reduced to a series of isolated incidents, the pattern disappears. When the pattern disappears, so do its impacts on women’s dignity, autonomy, equality and safety.

The new tort recognizes the pattern — it does not create the complexity. And recognition is where meaningful justice begins.

To this survivor, who fought for justice after 54 years, and to her now adult children who chose to stand beside their mother after a lifetime of witnessing abuse: your courage reminds us that truth has the power to outlast fear.

Background: In May 2026, the Supreme Court of Canada recognized a new civil tort of intimate partner violence in Canadian common law (Ahluwalia v. Ahluwalia, CP24). In July 2026, an Ontario woman was awarded $400,000 over her husband’s decades-long abuse — reported as the first award of damages under the new tort (Financial Post).